HomeSesquicentennial EssaysNuclear Protest and the Birth of the Student Awakening at the University of Rochester: 1957-1963, by Brian Kowalski

Nuclear Protest and the Birth of the Student Awakening at the University of Rochester: 1957-1963, by Brian Kowalski

Second Place Winner: Brian Kowalski
History 301W 

University life in the "sixties" was characterized by protests, marches, shut-downs, and intense clashes between the student body and the administration.  This explosion of student activism is often viewed as a spontaneous happening, isolated from the events that preceded it.  Superficial accounts of history tell the tale as if one moment students were knee-deep in "fifties" materialism and conformity, and the next they suddenly, and almost magically, left their hula-hoops behind to engage in bloody battle with the police of Chicago.  Such an account of student activism misses a crucial point: seeds for such widespread protest at universities were sown on campuses in the late 1950s and early 1960s.  Later student protest was the direct result of trends started by earlier, smaller movements that questioned authority and challenged the existing order.  

Although it never became the hotbed of Leftist thought and action that megaversity's like Berkeley and Michigan did, the University of Rochester serves as an excellent case study of these early protest movements supplying the atmosphere for the later movements that are normally associated with the "sixties".  Starting in about 1957, a small but determined group of active students began raising awareness about the dangers of nuclear proliferation.  This group was born as the Students for World Disarmament, later transformed into a chapter of the National Student Council for a SANE Nuclear Policy, and finally operated as the Peace Education and Action Committee.  No matter what its official title, the anti-nuclear movement was largely responsible for bringing activist politics back to the University of Rochester.  

In order to understand the peace movement at the University of Rochester, it is imperative to understand the movement at a national level as well.  Nationally, one of the early movements that most effectively planted the seeds for later protest was the movement against nuclear proliferation.  In the late 1950s, this movement began to respond to the overall danger of extinction that threatened the entire world during the most intense period of Soviet-American rivalry.  Amid the frantic, "better dead than red" atmosphere of the McCarthy Era, the anti-nuclear weapons movement served as a voice of caution and reason.  The most noted and potent of the groups in this movement was the National Committee for a SANE Nuclear Policy.  In 1957, Dr. Albert Schweitzer wrote a piece entitled "Call to Conscience" about the dangers of nuclear radiation.  After printing the piece in The Saturday Review, the editor of the publication, Norman Cousins, joined forces with Clarence Pickett of the American Friends Service Committee to call together an ad hoc meeting of activists willing to confront the nuclear issue.  After holding a meeting in poet Lenore Marshall's New York apartment, the groups decided to form SANE whose mission was "to develop public support for a boldly conceived and executed policy which will lead mankind away from war and toward peace and justice."1  Shortly afterwards, SANE ran their first, and famous, ad in the New York Times of a concerned-looking Dr. Benjamin Spock gazing at a young girl with the caption: "Dr. Spock is worried."  This ad helped bring a great deal of notoriety to the infant organization and it soon found a number of notable spokesmen such as Eleanor Roosevelt, Norman Thomas, Dr. Benjamin Spock, Bertrand Russell, Harry Belafonte, and Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.2  This committee which was originally organized with the purpose of educating the public, soon found itself in a position where people turned to it for action.  

At the same time that SANE was being established among pacifists in New York City, the anti-nuclear movement at the University of Rochester was forming.  In the late 1950s, the University had a reputation for apolitical students who did not tend to involve themselves in issues beyond the borders of the river campus.  This tendency clearly presents itself in a report by Arthur May in his book The History of the University of Rochester 1850-1962.  May reports that a Campus-Times poll conducted just before the Kennedy-Nixon election in 1960 attracted a third less responses than a poll asking whether the fraternity news column, "Greek Week," should be reinstated.3Another example that represents the type of political thought occurring on campus is seen in the brand of speakers that visited.  In October 1957, Father John Havas visited the University to discuss his personal experiences in the topic, "A Catholic Survives Communist Brainwashing."4 Such visits hardly probed beneath the superficial realities of the international and political scene of the time.  Clearly, Greek life dominated the lives of most students and the Campus-Times was filled with stories about sports, school spirit, and fraternity and sorority rushes.  During this time, the school yearbook devoted a section to student activities and clubs.  The only groups with any political concern were the College Republicans and Democrats, and those organizations consisted of few members.  Certainly, the yearbook did not exhibit every student organization, but it did showcase ones with an at least moderate level of organization, impact, and significance.  The faculty hardly opposed US foreign policy either.  Professors Dr. Gordon Milne and Dr. Brian O'Brien of the Institute of Optics developed the fastest camera in the world, and personally used it to photograph atom bomb explosions for the US military at both Bikini Island and Mercury, Nevada.5  In short, the University of Rochester resembled what one might expect from a smaller, mostly white, private school in the 1950s.

Within the ranks of this mostly apolitical student body, the Students for World Disarmament was formed in 1957.  The group on campus was one of eleven Students for World Disarmament groups in various eastern colleges including Swarthmore and Penn State.  After attending a peace conference in Syracuse, the founders decided that SWD was a group appropriate to the UR situation.6 In an announcement of its formation, founders Sally Crookston and Tony Ward wrote an open letter to the Campus-Times inviting an interested students to join them for regular discussions on the subject.7 The group contained only a few members and its early activity was limited, but the very formation of such a group marked the definite beginning of the leftist student protest that would engulf campuses in years to come.  During 1957-58, the members of the group met every Tuesday at noon in Room 215 of the Men's Dining Center to listen to guest lecturers and discuss current events.  The guest lecturers ranged from history graduate students to economists to a pacifist minister.  They set up a table of articles and pamphlets in the reference room of Rush Rhees Library and planned mass polling of student opinion.  In one of its more radical and active tactics, members of the groups protested against a civil defense drill in early May of 1958.8

Students for Disarmament's aim was "...increasing general awareness of the disarmament issue in order to arouse others into a more positive effort toward an effective and safe program of world disarmament."9 Such a mission statement bears a great resemblance to that of the National Committee for a SANE Nuclear Policy despite the fact the committee had yet to branch out into a student section.  The group admitted to holding diverse political philosophies, proudly announcing that its members ranged from ROTC students to pacifists.  All, however, felt that since a nuclear war would not discriminate, advocating nuclear disarmament was beyond partisanship.  In its very early years, it is difficult to determine the extent to which the Students for World Disarmament lived up to its mission of "...increasing general awareness..."10  Certainly, the members were energetic and determined.  In a short time, however, Students for World Disarmament would make a serious impact on campus, holding many high profile informational meetings and rallies.  Nevertheless, in 1957-58, the group was limited to small activities organized by a small group of students. 

While students at the University of Rochester were struggling to find a place for activist politics at their school, National SANE was becoming more and more popular across the nation.  Throughout 1958, the national group continued to run ads in the New York Times describing the atrocities that result from a nuclear war as well as the effects of nuclear testing.  On June 4, Senator Humphrey praised National SANE for its work, saying that it had "...done much to encourage..." intelligent consideration of the consequences of developing a powerful nuclear arsenal.11   Encouraged by its rapid increase in membership and prestige, national SANE decided at its national conference in the fall of 1958 that it would expand its objectives beyond a nuclear test ban to general disarmament.  As the Geneva talks convened that year, SANE intensified its campaign in an attempt to seize the opportunity for peace that the convention seemed to present.  The group published a full page ad in which leaders like Eleanor Roosevelt, Bertrand Russell, and Dr. Martin Luther King appealed to those at the Geneva Convention, entreating them to move beyond politics and to protect human existence12 .  

Perhaps the most important event for National SANE in 1958 was its expansion into American Universities.  In the summer of 1958, seven students established the National Student Council for a SANE Nuclear Policy, or Student SANE.  That summer, the first policy statement was drafted by Timothy Shopen of Swarthmore College.  The first national conference was held in September, where Michael Arons of Cooper Union was elected chairman.  As a result of this new organization, the 1958-59 school year saw many students begin to take an active interest in political matters.  That school year, participating committees emerged on twenty-five campuses and fifty campuses were home to a number of individual supporters.  Especially noteworthy was Student SANE's success in collecting over 10,000 signatures as well as a tremendous amount of letters which they sent to the Geneva Conference.13 

Although Student SANE had yet to be established on the University of Rochester campus, the 1958-59 school year was significant for the peace movement on the River campus as well.  The movement was beginning to enjoy the type of success that its counterparts were enjoying around the nation.  In the fall of 1958, the group held a series of conferences at the Balden Street Settlement in Rochester.  At this time, the group began to expand beyond the university and into the community, holding meetings with high school groups and religious organizations.14   Letters to congressman also became and integral part of the group's program.  In February of 1959, Students for World Disarmament held a panel discussion entitled "Plans for Peace".  The discussion received a great deal of attention in the Campus-Times, with many articles advertising for it as well as reporting about it after the fact.  Among the speakers at this discussion were Joseph Frank, University of Rochester English professor, Charles Piersol, Rochester sociologist and member of the Society of Friends, and Lt. Colonel Richard Maffry of the United States Air Force.  Frank and Piersol strongly advocated immediate disarmament, unilaterally if necessary.  On the other hand, Maffry supported the current balance of power, stating that disarmament would be dangerous and ineffective.15   Providing a diversity of views among the panelists would become a typical approach for student activists at this time.  "Plans for Peace" was one of the first major discussion concerning the nuclear issue so it undoubtedly set a precedent for future activists in that respect.            

Interestingly, while SWD's momentum was building, other campus groups began to consider the nuclear issue.  With SWD's urging, the UR Forensic Society, a firmly established, mainstream UR club, held a debate on the topic: "Resolved: That the Further Development of Nuclear Weapons Should be Prohibited by International Agreement."16   In April of 1959, Students for World Disarmament teamed up with the NAACP, Hillel, College Cabinet, Wesley Fellowship, the United Nations Club, the Lutheran Student Movement, and Professor Arthur May to bring Dr. Henry Hitt Crane to speak on campus.  Dr. Crane, who served as Minister Emeritus of Detroit Methodist Church, spent the afternoon discussing the nuclear problem, focusing on both political and religious aspects of the issue.17   That SWD found so many partners willing to sponsor Dr. Crane's speech indicates that it was beginning to succeed in "...increasing general awareness..." about the importance of disarmament.

The increase in activism at the University of Rochester in the 1958-1959 school year was the result of a combination of factors.  First and foremost, the international political scene was intensifying as the two world powers continued their stand-off in Berlin.  Furthermore, 1959 saw Fidel Castro lead a revolution in Cuba that resulted in communism only ninety miles off American shores.  This intensification made it harder to remain apathetic in the face of looming disaster.  Another factor that helped increase activism was the establishment of Student SANE in the summer of 1958.  Although University of Rochester had no Student SANE chapter itself, the mere existence of a national organization that encouraged students to oppose nuclear testing helped legitimize other active student organizations like Students for World Disarmament.  Overall, the increased international threat coupled with the proliferation of student anti-nuclear protest groups made the 1958-59 school year the most active at the University of Rochester in decades.

The 1959-60 school year at Rochester started off with the same intensity and energy that helped the work of the anti-nuclear weapons movement in the 1958-59 school year.  The weekly meetings of the Students for World Disarmament continued among members and interested students, but they were supplemented more and more by an increasing number of guest lecturers and informational meetings.  In November of 1959, the Students for World Disarmament presented the radical Dr. Haydn White to speak about the moral implications of the arms race.  Dr. White asserted that "war is built into modern society as a necessary part, and a protest against armament is a protest against modern society."  He railed against the dangers of nationalism and criticized the general public for allowing themselves to be "chained to machines" and developing the same values. In December, the group sponsored a talk by a member of the University of Rochester Economics Department concerning the economic implications of disarmament.18   

Overall, the movement for multilateral disarmament was growing strong on the River Campus, and the movement seemed to be outgrowing its original vehicle: the Students for World Disarmament.  Active students and faculty wanted to become part of the national fight and associate themselves with a more renown organization.  As a result, students and faculty met in Bausch and Lomb on March 13 to discuss the formation of a local chapter of the Committee for a SANE Nuclear Policy.  Under the guidance of UR Professor and member of National SANE board of directors, William Neuman, the group held an opening meeting on March 22.19   At the meeting, chairman of the UR Department of Biology Dr. Arnold Ravin spoke about the threats of nuclear fallout from both war and testing.  Following Dr. Ravin's talk, Michael Arons, now a physics graduate student at UR, spoke about the best way for the group to affect the outcome of the Geneva Convention.20  Within days of this first meeting, theCampus-Times began to actively support Student SANE at UR.  In an Op-Ed piece on March 25, 1960, the Campus-Times praises SANE "...for taking upon itself the responsibility for preventing..." future nuclear war.21  This type of support would soon become a part of almost every issue of the school newspaper.  By April 26, the month-old SANE had already been approved by the New Groups Committee.22  On May 3, 1960, Dr. William Neuman spoke on his topic "Focus on Geneva".  Advertised as a distinguished member of National SANE's board of directors, Dr. Neuman stressed the importance of defending a rational, middleground that still resulted in complete, multilateral disarmament.  He claimed that nuclear war was a far more dangerous threat than nuclear fallout.23  Ironically, during the afternoon before his speech, students of the University of Rochester participated in a half-hour Conelrad Drill.24 

Yet another signal that organized protest in favor of nuclear disarmament had grown strong at the University of Rochester is seen in the 1960 yearbook.  This yearbook was the first one in which any of the various incarnations of anti-nuke protest groups were included.  The Students for World Disarmament were pictured on the same page as the NAACP, accompanied by a brief description of their goals and activities.  Only six members appear in the picture despite the fact that the group had grown much larger than that by the 59-60 school year.  By the time the yearbook was released, SWD had been supplanted by a chapter of SANE.  Appearing in the yearbook is significant because it shows that the group had gained enough recognition on campus to be considered one of the major student organizations.  In other words, the appearance in the yearbook indicates that a student nuclear disarmament group was no longer an underground club but a notable and significant campus organization.

Just as the University of Rochester was forming a local chapter of SANE, the organization was running into trouble at the national level.  In May of 1960, reaching its apex of influence and prestige, SANE held a massive rally at Madison Square Garden to correspond with the planned summit between President Eisenhower and Premier Krushchev.  The summit was eventually canceled because of the U-2 incident, but the rally was a great success anyway.  More than 20,000 people packed the Garden to listen to speeches by Norman Cousins, Eleanor Roosevelt, Walter Reuther of the UAW, Norman Thomas, A. Philip Randolph, and many others.  Entertainment was provided by Harry Belafonte and telegrams from Adlai Stevenson, Hubert Humphrey, and Jacob Javits were read.  Following the rally, Belafonte and Thomas lead over 5000 people to the United Nations Building for a midnight prayer25.  Such an event was extremely encouraging for the group and its members, but troubles were already appearing.

The night before the rally at the Garden, Senator Thomas J. Dodd (D-CT) demanded that SANE "purge their ranks ruthlessly" of Communists.  Dodd was the temporary chairman of the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee and perhaps the largest opponent of Eisenhower's nuclear test ban policies.  Dodd conceded that the national leaders of the organization were all honest citizens whose work was done in good faith; however, he charged that there was evidence that the chapter level had been seriously infiltrated by Communists.26  On May 13, Dodd subpoenaed Henry Abrams, a former leader of the American Labor Party, co-chairman of the West Side New York Committee for a SANE Nuclear Policy, and chief organizer of the Madison Square Garden event, because he believed he was a Communist.  In front of Dodd's subcommittee, Abrams took the Fifth Amendment on the grounds that the sole purpose of the interrogation was to block public discussion of the nuclear issue.  Worried about the future of the group, Norman Cousins asked Abrams to resign.27  This action by Cousins started SANE down a road that would ultimately damage it.  

Cousins was in the precarious situation of both presenting SANE to the public as a group without Communist ties while supporting some of its most fervent members, who had once belonged to the Communist Party but had renounced it since then.  Cousins' focus on the former trumped his focus on the latter, and so, on May 26, he ordered a full investigation of SANE's ranks in search of Communists at the chapter level.  A few leaders of national SANE urged that the group resist Senator Dodd's attacks with statements arguing that SANE did not have to "trim its sails to suit opponents of sane nuclear policy".  The supporters of such a stance were outvoted and it was soon written into the charter that SANE had the right to investigate its members backgrounds in order to preserve its image and membership in the face of right-wing challenges.  This development soon inspired about half of the local SANE groups in the New York area to revoke their charters and begin working independent of the national group.  Unfortunately, Cousins was mistaken in thinking that such measures were enough to appease Senator Dodd.  That summer, Dodd began to harass Professor Linus Pauling, a SANE advocate and the most frequent speaker at SANE events.  Still later that summer, the Senator subpoenaed twenty-seven more SANE members to testify in front of his subcommittee.28  Eventually, the Senator's attacks would cease, but not before deep cleavages in the group formed.

Nowhere was National SANE harmed more from this internal tension than among the ranks of its student members.  In response to the May 26 resolution, the Brooklyn student committee wrote a series of letters to the national board accusing it of adopting the same Cold War tactics as McCarthy and others.  They dubbed the new standards for membership a mere witch-hunt, "irrelevant to the true aims of SANE," and demanded that anyone who could help advance nuclear disarmament should be allowed in the group regardless of any other factors.  When, in October, the national board reaffirmed its May resolution, many students quit SANE and joined the Student Peace Union or Students for a Democratic Society.29  Aside from being far more radical than their adult counterparts, the students had not experienced the hardships of being the victims of Cold War hysteria.  As a result, they were far less willing to make any concessions to their opponents, no matter how powerful they might be.  Overall, most students felt betrayed by the national board and such feelings continued to expand the widening political and social rift between students and adults in the early 1960s.  

Despite the tumultuous summer that SANE had experienced, the group continued to thrive on the River Campus.  As UR SANE member Paul Edelson explains, the group at Rochester felt independent from national organizations.  As a result, the weakening of Student SANE at the national level had no real effect on activity at UR.30  As students returned to Rochester in the fall of 1960, they were greeted by a convocation consisting of various speakers discussing methods of maintaining peace in modern society.  Although this theme had been developed and sponsored by the administration rather than SANE, it was clearly in line with the student group's agenda.  Nearly all of the speakers spoke about the dangers of nuclear explosions and fallout, the futility of shelters, and the need for multilateral disarmament.31  Such an opening to the school year set the stage for yet another year of increasingly active protest.  

In September and October, one of the group's leaders, graduate student Michael Arons, began to grow more and more vocal.  Arons had always been a very active student who had been involved in Student SANE from his days as an undergrad at Cooper Union.  Aside from bringing experience to the on-campus movement, he inspired many young students to join in, including Paul Edelson who would become one of the major student voices in years to come.32  Now, Arons found an effective forum for his anti-nuke sentiments by way of the Campus-Times.  He began writing for the regular column designated for international and national commentary called Annus Mirabilis.  Arons used the column for lengthy criticisms of US foreign policy.  In articles on September 30 and October 7, he challenged both presidential candidates, Nixon and Kennedy, to take a more active approach for peace rather than a balance of power.  Later that fall, Arons, who had recently returned from Cuba, would use his column to support that nation's Communist revolution, and soon found himself without a column.  Undeterred, Arons began giving lectures about the improvements that Cuba had seen since Castro had come to power.33  Such a political view was not inherent to SANE's beliefs, but Arons was a prominent and visible member of the group and his controversial views about Cuba most likely stuck to SANE, at least in the minds of many observers.

That November, SANE and the Inter-Religious Council co-sponsored a discussion entitled: "The Moral and Ethical Implications of Disarmament".  The discussion brought together leaders from a variety of faiths, none of which railed against nuclear armament more fiercely than Rabbi Bronstein.  He compared the arms race to the story of the Tower of Babel and declared that man was breaking his covenant with God.34  That winter, SANE began a series of book seminars that examined works from Henry Kissinger's Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy to Linus Pauling's No More War.35  Many of the members took time off from their anti-nuclear pursuits to picket the Schine Theater as part of the Civil Rights Movement.  After being given credit as one of the picket's sponsors, the student SANE committee quickly wrote to the Campus-Times that its group "...deals with questions relating only to world disarmament and does not sponsor any activity in areas not related to the disarmament issue."36  Such a distinction is important since in a matter of a few short years, student peace groups would expand such limited horizons by stressing that they supported a wide variety of issues relating to peace and not just disarmament.  

In the second semester of that year, spring '61, the Lutherans Student Association presented Pastor George Haag to speak on "Banning the Bomb".37  The group sponsored this talk with no official support from SANE, which certainly reflects the diffusion of disarmament views to on-campus groups other than just SANE.  Later that spring, on April 28, three UR students were arrested for failing to "take cover" during a Civil Defense drill.  The three men separated themselves from a larger group of protesters who sought shelter once the sirens began to sound. In response, the Campus-Times editors wrote an article in support of the three arrested men, claiming that their act of civil disobedience was completely justified given the futility of any attempt at surviving a nuclear explosion.38 

Without question, the 1961-62 school year saw an explosion of activism and interest concerning the nuclear issue.  Although such activism had been steadily increasing since '57, activity was limited mainly to the members of SWD and SANE.  In the words of Charles Maland, the active portion of the student body comprised only the "...prophets crying in the wilderness."39  But in 1961, the magnitude and intensity of activism and concern mostly in favor of, but also in opposition to, nuclear disarmament seemed to explode.

On September 26, 1961, SANE held its first lecture of the school year, a speech by Dr. Rothman of the Mathematics Department about fall-out shelters.40 The talk was in the tradition of what SWD and SANE had been doing for a few years at UR: a talk by a local speaker who supported disarmament followed by lengthy student questioning.  On October 5, the group held a panel discussion about Civil Defense.  The discussion was advertised as bringing together a speaker from the local Civil Defense Bureau as well as one from National SANE.  SANE ran an ad that asked anyone who was willing to present a pro-shelter position to contact them.41  This is yet another example of the student groups at UR trying to bring together both sides of the debate at many of their functions.          

As SANE's lectures and panel discussions continued, a new forum for consideration of the nuclear issue opened on campus.  In a September 29 edition of the Campus-Times, the editors wrote a piece supporting the "idealists" who worked towards multilateral disarmament.  Such a supportive piece was fairly typical, but the articles conclusion sparked a series of fairly intense responses.  The article concluded by stating that "...the Campus-Times seeks your comments on the possibility of war in general, on the use of fall-out shelters, and on the idea of disarmament..."  and that "...we seek to set up a campus-wide symposium on a complex topic, far removed but vital."42  The flurry of responses to the Campus-Times' invitation not only clearly detail the positions and beliefs of the members of SANE, who wrote many of the editorials, but also articulate the views of the uninvolved students as well as the opposition to immediate nuclear disarmament.  

The opening shot in what would become a year-long debate among the UR students was fired by Joel Blatt, a graduate student, on November 7.  He criticized the evangelical anti-communism movement of being a "right-wing menace" and warned that any notion of "total victory" would lead to the total destruction of all civilization.43  On November 17, Blatt's sentiments were echoed in an editorial by Cathey Eisner and Ruth Lassow, both active members of SANE at UR.  The two accused Governor Rockefeller of adopting an irresponsible policy by advocating a shelter system.  They concluded: 
 


"We realize that it is easier to ignore the problems facing us, but turning our backs will not solve them.  If we do not admit to the horror of nuclear war and speak out against it, this horror can too easily become a reality."44  



In that same edition of the Campus-Times, R.D. Peters, an undergrad, defended the fall-out shelter system.  Citing the real possibility of war as a result of the Soviet's untrustworthiness, Peters argued that shelters may be necessary to preserve human life and should therefore be constructed.45 On November 21, Martha Rubin, member of SANE, wrote a letter criticizing Peters for his view that building shelters will not provide a false sense of security that may bring America closer to war.  She argues that shelters are an egregious waste of money since they would do little to protect human life from a nuclear attack.46 In a letter printed just above Rubin's, another member of SANE, Mimi Fogelman, accused Peters of "suffering from an optimistic delusion."  Fogelman described the terrors that one might face while living in a shelter and suggested that citizens must convince their representatives to pursue peace.47  Still another member of SANE, Paul Edelson, wrote a letter in the November 21 issue that accused Peters of having a false sense of security.  Edelson claimed that everyone "...has the responsibility of challenging current national policies in the military and diplomatic fields..."48  A final editorial appearing on November 21 defends peace on grounds that seem much more in line with the Old Left than the emerging New Left.  The letter's author, Roland Riese, argued that the best way for peace groups to achieve their objective would be to convince the labor force that their survival depends on disarmament.  This would allow peace groups to merge with labor unions, who could organize strikes within the armaments industries.49

In late November, members of SANE and other like-minded students bombarded the Campus-Times with letters explaining the need for disarmament.  In response, disarmament opponents bombarded the Campus-Times with letters in early December.  On December 1, undergrad William Lucianovic wrote a letter directed at SANE members Paul Edelson and Martha Rubin.  Edelson had previously bemoaned the fact that some opportunists were making money from the sale of shelters.  In retort, Lucianovic exclaimed: "...if some businessmen have made a profit from selling bomb shelters, that's private enterprise, a joy of capitalism!"  In comments directed at Rubin, he asks how the US can trust Krushchev after all of his lies and his construction of the Berlin Wall, which shows little trust in America.50  R.D. Peters took the opportunity to respond to his critics in a letter whose tone was far less diplomatic and moderate.  He criticizes Rubin's attitude that the world should not be destroyed for the sake of an ideology claiming that:
 


"If this attitude were to become prevalent, the Communists would simply have to rattle their bombs and take over the country unmolested.  I am willing to chance a nuclear war rather than cower before the Communist world, meekly becoming a machine--a human pawn of the state."51



Yet another anti-SANE letter appeared in early December that claiming that they were basing their opinions on incorrect facts, that fall-out shelters could help people survive a nuclear attack quite easily.  After attempting to dispute each key point in SANE's platform, the writer adds that: "If any of the members of the SANE Committee feel that I am wrong in this view, I recommend the bridge over the Genesee as the quickest way out."52  

As time passed, the responses and letters grew more heated.  In mid-December, Edelson addressed the student supporters of the fall-out shelter system, writing that if the building of shelters did "...indeed contribute to a nuclear war, it will be you who will have to bear a good deal of responsibility for the deaths of many..."53  Opponents of disarmament shot back with editorials like the one by Robert Russ, claiming that: "...idealism [is] completely blind to the fact that communists are utterly untrustworthy, always have been, always will be as long as they sincerely believe in communism."  As a result, Russ concludes that an arms race is the only way to secure military peace.54  

After the winter break in late December and early January, the letters concerning the nuclear issue continued to fill the Campus-Times.  Opponents continued to accuse the Soviets of making disarmament impossible, extol the efficacy of fallout shelters, and claim that a balance of power was the only road to peace.  Meanwhile, SANE members and other advocates of disarmament continued to point to the futility of shelters, explain that the Soviets would quickly follow if America took the lead in disarmament, and claim that multilateral disarmament was the only way to avert the end of civilization.  

The exchange of letters was clearly the greatest magnitude of opposition that student nuclear pacifists faced at the UR.  Overall, opponents of immediate disarmament were too concerned with other activities to provide a strong or sophisticated counterpoint to UR SANE.  Only in this case, where all that was needed was a letter, were opponents really able to present any strong disagreement.  Mostly, as both Paul Edelson and Don Feinfeld explain, the University of Rochester was not a polarized community.  The debate was more at the level of agree/disagree rather than strong support versus strong opposition.  Only on rare occasions would "a few red-blooded athletes" or ROTC students act openly contemptuous.55

While the Campus-Times was providing a forum for student debate of the nuclear issue, SANE was growing increasingly active in other arenas.  Early in the fall, SANE sponsored a visit by Dr. Linus Pauling, the eminent physicist and regular lecturer at SANE events nationally.56  In November of 1961, SANE began preparation for its most successful conference, "Peace--Your Responsibility".  Such a title resonates the activism and tendency towards participatory democracy that was beginning to emerge on college campuses across America.  The conference, a two day event spanning November 29 and 30, brought together a variety of prominent speakers.  The goal of the conference was to "...bring the problems of nuclear testing, fall-out shelters, and Berlin to the students' attention and to work toward a positive solution for these problems."57  The speakers presented a variety of perspectives and viewpoints concerning the issues discussed.  Interestingly, the conference opened with the comments of Dr. Everett Hafner of the UR Physics Department, who argued that "...the United States must continue its military program in order to preserve its own democratic ideals and those of the free world."  He explained that the nuclear threat would replace total war with small, limited proxy wars.  He felt that these limited wars would be successful ways for the US to forward its agenda.  Also, Dr. Hafner claimed that the use of small nuclear bombs might occur, but would not lead to all-out nuclear war.58  At a Peace Rally entitled "The Major Issues Today," principal issues regarding prospects and probability of peace were examined by Dr. Roy John of the Radiation Biology department, Mr. Donald Gaudion, a UR Trustee, Mr. Robert Bikel of the Rochester School Board, Dr. Ralph Kaufman, Dean of Graduate Studies, and Martha Rubin.59  On the first evening of speakers, Dr. Roger Fisher of Harvard Law School explained the disarmament should not be limited to or begin at the nuclear level.60  On the evening of the second day of the conference, Mary Grooms, Chairman of the Independent Political Forum in Rochester, bluntly explained what one might face if Rochester or Buffalo was attacked by nuclear weapons.61  

During the fall of 1961, the UR College Cabinet considered the best way for it to address the recently passed state legislature fallout shelter bill.  Urged by SANE member Martha Rubin, the Cabinet began considering drafting two letters that condemned the legislation.  In mid-November, Rubin motioned that one letter be sent to the administration advising that any state aid for shelters be rejected, while another letter be sent to the state legislature condemning the congressman for their actions.  The motion passed unanimously and Rubin was chosen as chairman of the CC Education Committee on Fall-Out Shelters.  The Committee began seeking information about the Rockefeller shelter bill by writing a request to the New York State Legislature requesting a copy of it.  Letters were also sent to the Rochester and New York State Civil Defense Organizations as well as the National SANE committee.62 During a meeting of the Cabinet in mid-December, Cabinet President Al Koral asked Rubin to resign from her position as chair of the shelter committee.  He argued that the impartiality of her report would be questioned by students and faculty because of her position as former chairman of both SANE at UR and the recent Peace Conference.  Rubin refused to resign and so the Cabinet voted on the issue, allowing Rubin to retain the chair.  However, Koral explained that if she was to remain chair, he would appoint a co-chair whose impartiality could be ensured.  The Cabinet voted in favor of this resolution 6-5, and Koral appointed a co-chair.63  

On December 27-29, members of the UR Student Committee for a SANE nuclear policy traveled to New York City to attend the National Student Council of SANE's Third National Conference.  The conference included workshops aimed at improving the leadership and effectiveness of SANE as an organization.  Other sessions were held that allowed students to listen to lectures by prestigious advocates of nuclear disarmament.  The conference culminated in a student rally and march to the United Nations Building, where those attending the conference joined the continuous SANE picket that was being carried out in front of the UN.  David Bernstein and Michael Arons were elected as representatives to the conference while Philip Serwer, Larry Overlander, and Ruth Lassow were selected as official delegates.  Several other Rochester students made the trip in order to attend the workshops, discussion sessions, and protest march.64

In early February, an Ad Hoc Committee was established in order to organize a trip to Washington, DC to participate in the "Turn Toward Peace" rally.  Although one of the event's major national sponsors was Student SANE, and the Ad Hoc Committee was comprised of mostly UR SANE members, the committee stressed that anyone who participated did so as individuals, unaffiliated with any one specific organization.  Leaders of the Ad Hoc Committee, Cathey Eisner and David Bernstein, held general interest meetings, handed out pamphlets, and actively recruited student support overall.65  

Days before two busloads of Rochester students departed for Washington, Professor Lewis Beck of the Philosophy Department began voicing his skepticism in regards to the trips potential efficacy.  In a Campus-Times interview, Dr. Beck claimed that: "There can be little hope for success of the Student Turn Toward Peace Action.  It would be chauvinistic and unrealistic to hope that this move will affect the President's judgment."  He questioned whether a group of students on a road trip could achieve an atmosphere of serious deliberation.  Furthermore, he questioned the ability of the educated layman to make competent decisions concerning such important issues: "If this group is to question the policies of this country, they must convince themselves that their sources of information are better than those of the President."  Dr. Beck himself thought such activism was unnecessary, theorizing that "...atmospheric testing is no more harmful to ourselves and our descendants than faster automobiles and cigarette smoke."66  These comments by Dr. Beck were approximately the extent of any on-campus opposition to the participation of UR students in "Turn Toward Peace".

On February 16, two busloads departed the University of Rochester for Washington at about 11:00pm.  They arrived at 9:00 the following morning, just in time for registration, and quickly joined up with the pickets in front of the White House.  On the previous day, student delegates had met with selected Congressmen and Senators.  The pickets during the morning and afternoon were orderly and peaceful; however, they were met with a counter-picket of about fifty members of the Young Americans for Freedom who waved American flags and held signs that read: "They're not red, they're yellow!"

At about 12:30pm, the six thousand students that were now participating in the picket began marching towards the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier.  After two hours, the group arrived at the gates of Arlington National Cemetery, where the students silently proceeded to the Tomb.  Once they had all filed past, they began to march towards the lawn of the Washington Monument where a rally would culminate the two-day demonstration.  At the Monument, a series of speakers reiterated the need for multilateral disarmament.  Finally, Norman Thomas stepped up to the podium, where he railed against the growing military-industrial complex and the inaccuracy of placing all of the blame for the nuclear threat on the Russians.  The six thousand students listened carefully until the end of the rally, when they boarded their respective busses and returned to campus.67           

While most of the student SANE members were in Washington, four other members traveled to the first Intercollegiate Conference on Disarmament and Arms Control at Swarthmore College.  The four students from UR who attended, Al Schwartz, Al Stern, Bonnie Thornton, and Richard Tropp, listened to a key note speech made by Senator Joseph S. Clark, Jr. on the "History of Disarmament Negotiations".68

Only one month after the two triumphant busloads returned to UR from Washington, DC, the student movement for disarmament was issued a terrible blow.  The conflicts on the national level between Student SANE and Adult SANE had continued as the students maintained their position against the purging of Communists.  Prolonged negotiations between the groups was diverting precious energy away from the goal of peace.  As a result, the National Student Executive Council decided that it was in the best interests of the overall movement for the student arm to disorganize and break ties at the national level with Adult SANE.  Local groups were given the freedom to affiliate with any peace organization they chose, including Adult SANE, or to remain independent.  

In the wake of Student SANE disbanding, the University of Rochester Chapter decided to organize itself without affiliation with any national organizations.  The members of the disbanded group met on March 13 to nominate and elect new officers for the new peace group, which they decided to call the UR Peace Education and Action Committee.  Members decided that the agenda would remain the same.  UR PEACE would continue organizing teach-ins and panel discussions to raise awareness about the dangers of nuclear proliferation.  It was decided at the meeting that the first order of business for the Peace Committee would be the mass sending of telegrams to the Geneva Peace Conference.  Furthermore, the group would quickly begin circulating over 1000 pamphlets detailing their position concerning the newly resumed nuclear weapons testing in the atmosphere.69

By March 20, the Peace Committee sent thirty telegrams signed by seventy five students to President Kennedy.  The telegrams expressed the Committee's disapproval of the resumption of nuclear testing.  They urged Kennedy to adopt a bold policy at the Geneva Conference so as to set an example for other world leaders.70  Soon after, in mid-April, the Peace Committee organized yet another panel discussion with the topic: "Disarmament--Can it Work?"  Among the panelists were Peace Committee members Mike Berger and Michael Arons as well as Philosophy undergraduate Robert Sokol.  The discussion took the form of the television show "Open End" and was moderated by Paul Edelson.  In the tradition of these type of panel discussions at UR, a variety of viewpoints were provided with Berger and Arons explaining the need for disarmament and Sokol arguing in favor of the status quo.71

On April 26, approximately 100 undergraduate and graduate students congregated in front of the steps of the Rush Rhees Library to hear speeches by PEACE members Paul Edelson and Kathy Daniels.  During the beginning of Edelson's talk, hecklers from the crowd interrupted.  Opponents of the movement to end atmospheric testing hung a banner from the library balcony that read: "U.S. Testing Keeps Us Free!"  Edelson continued the rest of his talk without major interruption.  During the question and answer session, someone in the crowd asked how America can trust the Soviet premier when he declared "We will bury you!"  Edelson deferred the question to another member of the crowd who explained that then Secretary of State John Foster Dulles had actually made that statement first.  Overall, Edelson emphasized the unilateral initiative would only lead to a situation that ultimately brought peace to both nations.72

Inspired by an editorial by Edelson suggesting the formation of a multi-issue liberal party on college campuses, campus groups started to become more self-conscious and began considering their impact as organizations.  In an interview with the Campus-Times, President of the UR Peace Committee Kathy Daniel explained that she would support the formation of such a broad, liberal party except for the fact that she questioned whether members of different active groups shared enough of each other's beliefs to join forces.  Both the presidents of the Young Republicans and the NAACP shared this view.73 This development is crucial in the growth of activist groups in the "sixties" because it shows the beginning of the transition from the issue-specific groups of the late 1950s and early 1960s to the more broad, liberal movements based more on overall sensibilities than specific policies.  That the leaders of these early groups felt that such a liberal party was unlikely shows that they still had not moved beyond issue-specific activism; however, the mere fact that the concept was now being considered was the first step in forging the next generation of college students' radical worldview.

In August of 1962, a special summer edition of the Campus-Times was released.  The edition was intended to serve as an introduction to campus to the many incoming freshman as well a welcome back for returning upper classmen.  A lengthy article devoted to describing the UR student body provides some interesting insights concerning the place of nuclear pacifists on campus.  The article described the anti-nuke folks as follows:
 

"...of the ten people actively interested in disarmament, nine will be from the New York City area, eight will be physics majors, six will play guitar or banjo, four will have long hair, a beard, or both, and two will be harboring plans to blow up Rochester and start again."74
 

As a former member of UR SANE and UR PEACE, Paul Edelson acknowledges that although there may be some truth to such a stereotype, he would describe the group differently.  Edelson explains that most of the members were "...regular middle class kids without much political savvy."  Although most came from backgrounds that favored labor, few had parents who had been part of the Communist party or other radical groups.  The closest thing to a political identity for most students was that they had campaigned for Adlai Stevenson when he ran for president.75  Basically, the nuclear pacifists at UR may have not fit the Greek-athlete mold, but they were certainly not even close to the type of countercultural radical that would surface at universities in years to come.

The 1962-63 school year at the University of Rochester was a tale of two semesters in terms of the amount of pro-disarmament activism.  The fall of 1962 saw a flurry of activism in response to the Cuban Missile Crisis; however, the spring of 1963 served as the beginning of the end for activism that truly limited itself strictly to disarmament issues alone.  Activity was steady in the early September and early October as UR Peace continued to hold discussions and meetings.  In late October, however, international tensions grew as the Cuban missile crisis approached; and, as the tensions grew abroad, the activism grew on campus.  On October 24, the UR Peace Committee held a coffee hour with Dr. Walter Goldstein, a political science professor at Brooklyn College.  The coffee hour was followed by a panel discussion which included Dr. Goldstein, as well as a group of UR faculty including Dr. Sidney Barnes, Dr. Roy John, and Dean Arnold Ravin.  The event entitled "Problems of Disarmament" was expected to proceed much like the many other panel discussions that had been held before it, but, with the missile crisis serving as a backdrop, this one took on special significance.  The speakers broke from their prepared speeches and used the opportunity to consider carefully the events that gripped the nation.  All stressed that the crisis provided powerful evidence in favor of immediate disarmament.  Condemning the current balance of terror, Dr. Goldstein warned that: "...rival schemes for international stability must be devised before a mushroom cloud comes down on our head."  Dr. John and Dr. Barnes worried that in a situation as intense as the one in Cuba, the Soviet Union and the United States were much more likely to start an accidental war.76  

The conference provided close analysis of the factors and possible solutions to the situation, but most students were elsewhere.  The campus radio station, WRUR, provided close coverage of the event, which concerned even those who were notoriously apathetic.  As Peace Committee member Don Feinfeld recalls: "...many students hung around WRUR to learn the latest headlines and wonder whether this was our last day on earth."77 The fact that more students expressed their concern about the Cuban crisis by listening to WRUR than by attended the UR Peace panel discussion indicates that student concern was born more out of the great fear that the situation posed than any political interest.  

At the height of the Cuban crisis, a group of faculty and students from the University or Rochester, as well as the Colgate Rochester Divinity School and the Rochester Institute of Technology, issued a statement to President Kennedy that was published in the Democrat and Chronicle.  The statement argued that the traditional method of solving international disputes should not be applied to the Cuban situation.  It concluded: "With a deep sense of the grave responsibility all of us must bear in this situation, we urge you, Mr. President, to explore every possibility for a peaceful resolution of the crisis.  We call on you not to invade Cuba."  The statement was signed by seventy five faculty members and over two-hundred and twenty five students.  By the time the statement reached the pages of the newspaper, the crisis had been largely resolved; however, the Democrat and Chronicle felt it was significant enough to publish since it "...communicates the attitude of a portion of the University community toward issues of this sort."78  Actions and positions of the "University community" rarely found there way into the city newspaper, but the issued statement was supported so strongly that the D&C could not ignore it.  The editors of Campus-Times recognized the magnitude of support for the statement: "For the first time in quite a while, a sizable portion of the university community was willing to take a stand on an important issue."  Furthermore, they observed that the supporters were not just "...the same old clannish liberals who generally think they have something to say on just about anything."  The strong support for the statement shows that the threat of human extinction was more effective in mobilizing support for disarmament than any of the actions of the peace groups.  Recognizing this truth, the editors of the Campus-Times warned students not to allow this outpour of political concern to amount to nothing more than "temporary crisis response".79

In an attempt to harness the newly emerging and widespread political concern, a permanent Student-Faculty Committee of the University Community was instituted in mid-November to replace the Ad-Hoc Committee that was established during the Cuban crisis.  The focus of the new group was to bring together students and faculty in an attempt to analyze specific international hot spots and discuss US foreign policy in general.  The group made sure to distinguish itself from the Peace Education and Action Committee by stating that it would not advance any single policy initiative in the way UR PEACE advocates controlled disarmament.  It also explained that it would reach out into the Rochester community more and not simply situate itself within the University.  On November 15, over fifty students and faculty assembled in the Faculty Club for the group's first official meeting.80  Although this group did help harness some amount of the political concern that emerged during the Cuban crisis, it was unable to sustain it over the long run for a number of factors.  One of its greatest problems was simply that the majority of students who were politically alert to Cold War issues were already members of UR Peace.  Overall, the Student-Faculty Committee fell victim to what the Campus-Times editors had feared: the large outpouring of political concern on campus was more of a "temporary crisis response" than a change in the student attitudes.

On December 2, a former Russian army colonel, Vladimir Pozdnjakoff, spoke on campus about Communist tactics and plans.  The former colonel's message was apocalyptic, claiming that a nuclear war lasting several years was inevitable and that "...the hopes of Westerners for peace are futile."  Speaking through a translator, he especially stressed his contention that during World War II, over 2000 subversive Communist agencies had infiltrated the United States by taking advantage of such people as "...drug addicts and homosexuals by means of blackmail."81  The ex-Soviet colonel's visit and message seemed bizarre and out of context considering many on the university had begun thinking seriously about the Cold War and simply did not believe many of the wild comments that he made.  The lack of response or attention to the visit showed real growth among the students in that they had become more discriminating concerning what "facts" they took stock in.  

The high tide of activism on campus that had accompanied the missile crisis subsided as students returned to school after winter break.  Even UR Peace was less active than it usually had been.  The group held no major panel discussions and brought no major speakers to campus.  Overall, the intensity of anti-nuke activism dried up extremely quickly in 1963.  This decrease was not an anomaly; rather, it signaled a permanent shift away from the anti-nuke protest that started in the late 50s and had grown strong at UR since.  The reasons for this shift are many, some taking place at the national level and others occurring on campus.  

Historians attribute the decrease in disarmament activism at the national level to an ironic twist of events.  Despite the disbanding of Student SANE in 1962, Adult SANE still dominated the world of anti-nuke protest.  Since the late 1950s, SANE had fought hard for a ban on atmospheric testing; and in September of 1963, their work finally paid off.  The US Senate ratified a Partial Test Ban Treaty between the United States and the Soviet Union.  Ironically, the very success of the treaty slowed the momentum that had been built up by the disarmament movement.  Achieving a test ban was one of SANE's most important original objectives.  SANE leaders warned that a partial test ban did not free the world of the nuclear threat, but many of its members did not heed the warning.  However, once that objective had been partially achieved, many nuclear pacifists concluded that their work was over and merged into the liberal wing of the Democratic Party.82  It is difficult to determine whether this was the main factor for the decrease in anti-nuke protest at the University of Rochester.  Certainly it was one of the factors, but UR PEACE's 1963 chairman Don Feinfeld recalls that many students were actually encouraged by the partial test ban to continue pushing for a complete test ban.83  While the partial test ban may have given students a sense of encouragement, it somewhat removed their sense of urgency.  This lost sense of urgency contributed to the decision of many students like Feinfeld to become more involved in Civil Rights activity.  Most likely, the effect that the partial test ban had on groups nationwide was also present at UR to a certain degree; however, there were many other factors that had an even greater effect on the type of student activism that was taking place at Rochester.

A national tendency which reverberated on campus was the shift from issue-specific activism to more general protest.  In 1957 when Students for World Disarmament formed, its platform was "...increasing general awareness of the disarmament issue in order to arouse others into a more positive effort toward an effective and safe program of world disarmament."  When the group was credited for activities beyond this scope, it quickly explained that its only concerns were disarmament and that it had no hand in any other activities.  By 1963, UR PEACE had significantly expanded this focus, stressing that it "...wasn't just anti-nuke; we were against aggressive warfare and in favor of negotiated settlement of international differences."  In other words, UR PEACE was concerned with anything that would contribute to lasting peace, which certainly extends beyond the nuclear issue.  Active students were still very concerned with nuclear disarmament, but their expanded scope allowed them to start examining other issues.  While some active students began to look at the emerging war in Vietnam, others funneled more of their efforts into the Civil Rights Movement, which groups like UR PEACE now considered an important arena for promoting peace.  These new concerns did not replace  disarmament, but adding them to the agenda did drain some energy from protests aimed specifically at disarmament.84

In early 1963, an on-campus issue began to draw attention away from the nuclear issue.  The national charter of the Sigma Chi Fraternity contained a clause which allowed only whites to join the fraternity.  In 1963, the UR NAACP began pressuring Sigma Chi to allow African-Americans into their fraternity, but Sigma Chi claimed that it wanted to but doing so would cause its charter to be revoked.  The NAACP was able to mobilize a great deal of student support and the issue was hotly contested on campus.  The controversy consumed most of the student body's political concern and energy.  Racism on campus was a much more immediate issue to most students than nuclear weapons and international dispute.  As a result, some of the support and publicity for the disarmament movement waned during the Sigma Chi-NAACP controversy.  However, the incident did provide an opportunity for peace activists to act upon their newly expanded platform, connecting with the Civil Rights Movement.  This crossover activism reinforced the trend away from issue-specific groups acting only within their own narrow set of concerns.

In the few years after 1963, political activism continued to grow at the University of Rochester as the type of activity more commonly associated with the "sixties" surfaced.  In the mid-sixties, a chapter of Students for a Democratic Society was established on campus.  The group had a large membership and brought together politically alert students from a variety of activist groups.  Vietnam protest began to grow stronger and stronger at this time as well.  In the late sixties, the Rochester students made their school the battleground for an intellectual freedom movement, continued Civil Rights protests, and a massive movement against the war in Vietnam.  The type of petition movements, class boycotts, and shut-downs that characterize student life in the "sixties" were prevalent at the University of Rochester.  

The political turmoil that surfaced on campus, however, was not a spontaneous uprising.  The widespread activism of the mid and late 1960s was the result of momentum that was built by a different sort of student activist in the late 1950s and early 1960s.  Before the campus would be home to the self-conscious political radicals who viewed themselves as the political avant-garde, it would first be home to a smaller group of middle class kids asking the innocent question of why America was not living up to its promises and ideals.  Before hundreds of students would skip classes to march around campus in protest of Vietnam in 1969, three students were arrested for not taking cover during a Civil Defense drill in 1961.  Before eight-hundred students would gather together for a Teach-In on Vietnam, one hundred would gather in front of the Rush Rhees library to listen to speakers talk about nuclear disarmament.  Before a generation would broadly attack the foundations of American society, students in the early 1960s would hope that a ban on atmospheric testing alone might help save the world.  

Specifically examining the nuclear protest groups at the University of Rochester provides a concrete example of the growth of political activism in the late 1950s into the 1960s.  It presents an example of how nuclear disarmament protest helped bring a sense of serious deliberation of political issues back to the student body after the near death of the political imagination at universities during the McCarthy Era.  The UR groups' activities may not have been responsible for the aversion of a nuclear catastrophe during the most intense moments of the Cold War, but they were responsible for teaching students methods for questioning and challenging the political status quo.  University of Rochester groups like Students for World Disarmament and Student SANE were the first to probe societal problems that were far more deep and complex than they had ever anticipated.  The shortcomings of their narrow issue-specific activity taught later protest groups at Rochester that American problems were often inter-connected and rarely superficial or easily corrected.  These lessons helped later students in the "sixties" forge a political ideology that was based more on broad sensibilities and expansive ideals than specific problems.  As was the case with the entire nation, the early activities of the disarmament groups at UR were crucial to the development of that school's politics, culture, and history during the 1960s.


NOTES
 

  1.  ----------, "Peace Action: Forty Years of History. (http://www.peace-action.org/abt/history.html)
  2.  Paul Boyer, By the Bomb's Early Light: American Thought and Culture at the Dawn of the Atomic Age. (New York, Pantheon Press, 1985) p. 355.
  3. Arthur May, The History of the University of Rochester: 1850-1962.  (Rochester, NY., 1977) p.316
  4. Dave Kearney, "Father Havas Relates Trial: Brainwashed by Communists," Campus-Times, 15 October 1957, p. 1.
  5. "A-Bomb Camera Developer Picked Engineering Prof," Campus-Times, 16 May 1961, p 3.
  6. "Group Organizes on Multilateral Arms Race Issue," Campus-Times, 13 May 1958, p 7.
  7. "Group Organizes for Disarmament," Campus-Times, 14 March 1958, p 5.
  8. "Group Organizes on Multilateral Arms Race Issue," p. 7
  9. University of Rochester Interpres, 1960, p. 147.
  10. "SWD Group Plans Positive Program For Disarmament," Campus-Times, 17 October 1958, p. 5.
  11. Milton Katz, Ban the Bomb: A History of SANE, the Committee for a SANE Nuclear Policy, 1957-1985. (New York, Greenwood Press, 1986) p. 35.
  12. Milton Katz, Ban the Bomb..., pp. 35-36.
  13. Milton Katz, Ban the Bomb..., p. 43.
  14. "SWD Group Plans Positive Program For Disarmament," p. 5.
  15. "Frank, Maffry, Piersol Discuss Disarming; Ask for Initial Peace Move by Americans," Campus-Times, 6 February 1959, pp 3-4.
  16. "Nuclear Weapons Forensic Subject," Campus-Times, 7 November 1958, p. 2. 
  17. "Dr. Crane to Re-Examine Solutions for World Peace," Campus-Times, 7 April 1959, p. 6.
  18. " 'People Unconcerned With War': Dr. White," Campus-Times, 13 November 1959, p. 3.
  19. "Movement Begins For Organization of SANE Group," Campus-Times, 15 March 1960, p. 3.
  20. "Ravin Describes Radiation Effects to SANE Group," Campus-Times, 25 March 1960, p. 2.
  21. F.K., "Race to the Finish," Campus-Times, 25 March 1960, p. 4.
  22. "SANE is Approved," Campus-Times, 26 April 1960, p. 4.
  23. "Prof Views Nuclear Ban," Campus-Times, 3 May 1960, p. 2
  24. "Air Raid is On at 2 P.M.," Campus-Times, 3 May 1960, p. 2.
  25. Milton Katz, Ban the Bomb...., pp. 45-46
  26. Milton Katz, Ban the Bomb...., p. 46
  27. Milton Katz, Ban the Bomb...., pp. 48-49
  28. Milton Katz, Ban the Bomb...., pp. 50-53.
  29. Milton Katz, Ban the Bomb...., p. 60.
      Maurice Isserman, The Death of the Old Left and the Birth of the New Left: If I Had a Hammer. (Chicago, University of Illinois Press, 1987) p. 185.
  30. Edelson, Paul.  Personal Interview.  27 April 2000.
  31. "Speakers at Convocation Discuss Peace Alternatives", Campus-Times, 15 September 1961, p.1.
  32. Edelson, Paul.  Personal Interview.  27 April 2000.
  33. Cathey Eisner, " 'Emphasis Lies on Economy, Not Abstract Political Ideas'," Campus-Times, 24 February 1961, p. 4.
  34. Cathey Eisner, "Bronstein: 'Most Crucial Issue of Day is Maintaining Human Life'," Campus-Times, 18 November 1960, p. 9.
  35. "SANE Schedules Second Seminar on Disarmament," Campus-Times, 17 February 1961, p. 7.
  36. "SANE Group Not Sponsors of Pickets," Campus-Times, 21 April 1961, p. 5.
  37. "Lutherans to Hear Talk on 'Banning the Bomb'," Campus-Times, 21 April 1961, p. 4.
  38. "Civil Defense---China Wall?," Campus-Times, 5 May 1961, p. 2.
  39. Charles Maland, "Dr. Strangelove (1964): The Nightmare Comedy and the Ideology of the Liberal Consensus," American Quarterly, Special Issue: Film and American Studies, Winter 1979, p. 700.
  40. "SANE Hears Talk on Fall-Out Shelters," Campus-Times, 26 September 1961, p. 2.
  41. "SANE Holds Meeting About Civil Defense," Campus-Times, 3 October 1961, p. 1.
  42. "Study War  No More," Campus-Times, 29 September 1961, p. 2.
  43. Joel Blatt, "Evangelical Anti-Communism Called Right-Wing Menace," Campus-Times, 7 November 1961, pp. 3, 6.
  44. Cathey Eisner and Ruth Lassow, "Co-eds Question Nuclear Policies," Campus-Times, 17 November 1961, p. 4.
  45. R.D. Peters, "Student Defends Fall-Out Shelters," Campus-Times, 17 November 1961, p. 4.
  46. Martha Rubin, "Student Views World Peace As Nation's Only Alternative," Campus-Times, 21 November 1961, p. 4.
  47. Mimi Fogelman, "Reader Says Shelter Hopes Prove 'Optimistic Delusion'," Campus-Times, 21 November 1961, p. 4.
  48. Paul Edelson, "Shelter Myth," Campus-Times, 21 November 1961, pp. 4-5.
  49. Roland Riese, "Writer Seeks Peace Group Union Against Arms Industry," Campus-Times, 21 November 1961, pp. 5-6.
  50. William Lucianovic, "Writer Distrusts Russian Premier," Campus-Times, 1 December 1961, p. 4.
  51. R.D. Peters, "Undergrad Parries Attacks; Defends Defense of Shelters," Campus-Times, 1 December 1961, pp. 4-6.
  52. Charles Bash, "Writer Tells Effects Of Shelter on Morale," Campus-Times, 1 December 1961, p. 8.
  53. Paul Edelson, "Student Cites Ethical Failure of Fallout Shelter Advocates," Campus-Times, 5 December 1961, p. 4.
  54. Robert Russ, "Writer Cites War of Ideals as Basic Concern of Nation," Campus-Times, 5 December 1961, p. 4.
  55. Edelson, Paul.  Personal Interview.  27 April 2000.
    Feinfeld, Don. Personal Interview.  18 April 2000.
  56. University of Rochester, Interpres, p. 149.
  57. "Conference Views Nuclear Testing, Fall-Out Question," Campus-Times, 17 November 1961, p. 1.
  58. Mark Mohr, "Hafner at Coffee Hour: Disarmament is Impractical; Our Responsibility--Defense," Campus-Times, 1 December 1961, pp. 1, 10.
  59. Elly Greene, "Speakers Examine Ideological, Technical, Political, Moral Responsibilities for Peace," Campus-Times, 5 December 1961, p. 1.
  60. "Fisher Sees Berlin Crisis As Lesson in Self-Restraint," Campus-Times, 1 December 1961, p. 2.
  61. Karen Schermerhorn, "Grooms Views Nuclear War Equivalent to Mutual Suicide," Campus-Times, 5 December 1961, pp. 1, 3.
  62. "CC Drafts Plans Against Fallout Shelters; Presents Action on Undergrad Discontent," Campus-Times, 17 November 1961, pp. 1, 7.
  63. "Report on Shelters," Campus-Times, 15 December 1961, pp. 1, 7.
  64. "UN March to Highlight SANE National Conference in NYC," Campus-Times, 19 December 1961, p.1.
  65. Ed Fourt, "Peace Demonstrators to Hear Norman Thomas in Capital," Campus-Times, 13 February 1962. p. 1.
  66. David Kling, "Dr. Beck Views Peace Trip As 'Likely to Be Ineffective'," Campus-Times, 16 February 1962. p. 1.
  67. Mark Mohr, "UR Students Participate in 'Turn Toward Peace'," Campus-Times, 20 February 1962. pp. 1, 6.
  68. "Four Attend Disarmament Conference," Campus-Times, 20 February 1962. pp. 1, 6.
  69. "Student SANE Disorganizes; UR Chapter Now Independent," Campus-Times, 13 March 1962. p. 1.
  70. "Peace Committee Sends Telegrams for Disarmament," Campus-Times, 20 March 1962. p. 3.
  71. "PEACE to Hold Panel Discussion," Campus-Times, 13 April 1962, p. 1.
  72. Mark Mohr, "Students for PEACE Oppose A-Bomb Tests," Campus-Times, 27 April 1962, pp. 1, 5.
  73. Irene Maisch, "Liberals Express Opinions Concerning Party Formation," Campus-Times, 4 May 1962, pp. 3, 9.
  74. "UR's Student Body," Campus-Times, 14 August 1962, p. 2.
  75. Paul Edelson , Personal Interview, 27 April 2000.
  76. Jim Diez and Len Fox, "Crisis Casts Shadow on Peace Conference; Discussants Analyze Roots of Cuban Peril," Campus-Times, 26 October 1962, pp. 1, 5, 6.
  77. Don Feinfeld, Personal Interview, 18 April 2000.
  78. "Faculty, Students Issue Plea on Cuba to JFK," Campus-Times, 30 October 1962, pp. 1, 5-6.
  79. "Beyond the Crisis Response," Campus-Times, 16 November 1962, p. 4.
  80. "Ad Hoc Committee Forms Permanent Body to Examine Cold War, Stimulate Opinion," Campus-Times, 16 November 1962, pp. 1, 6.
  81. Ed Fourt, "Ex-Soviet Colonel Speaks on Communist Tactics, Plans," Campus-Times, 4 December 1962, pp. 1, 3.
  82. Milton Katz, Ban the Bomb..., pp. 86-87.
  83.  Don Feinfeld, Personal Interview, 18 April 2000
  84.  Don Feinfeld, Personal Interview, 18 April 2000